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Hazara Genocide Denial: Exposing the Pro-Taliban Submission to Australia

Kabul Press - Investigative News & Analysis — 2025-04-06T13:51:42Z

Introduction: A Dangerous Distortion of Facts

A submission to the Australian Senate's Foreign Affairs, Defence, and Trade References Committee, authored by Sayed Amin, Zoe Safi, Naseer Shafaq, Tamkin Hakim, Raz Mohammad, and Atal Zahid Safi, is not merely an academic exercise, it is a deliberate and insidious attempt to falsify history, whitewash Taliban crimes, and systematically ignore the ongoing genocide of the Hazara stateless nation. By presenting a pro-Pashtun ethno-nationalist political agenda cloaked in the guise of objective analysis, the authors engage in pernicious historical revisionism that risks legitimizing a regime directly responsible for mass killings, ethnic cleansing, and a draconian gender and ethnic apartheid. This act of historical manipulation violates the core principles of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, which mandates the recognition and condemnation of such atrocities to prevent their recurrence, ensuring that states act to protect vulnerable groups from systematic extermination.

This investigation exposes the submission's five key falsehoods, fortified by irrefutable historical records, authoritative legal findings, compelling survivor testimonies, and documented international reports, including the powerful testimonies from "An Open Letter from the Poets World-wide to the Hazara," reports detailing the Kuchi-Taliban coalition's terror, the landmark resolution by the American Bar Association (ABA), the detailed analysis from "From Awareness to Action: Addressing the Roots of the Hazara Genocide," the significant developments in the Catalan Parliament, the critical historical context provided by "Ten facts about so-called country Afghanistan," the striking parallels drawn between the Hazara Genocide and the Jewish Holocaust, and the evidence of ongoing ethnic apartheid detailed in "The Hazara Genocide and Ethnic Apartheid: The Ongoing Plight in Hazaristan." We will also examine these atrocities through an intersectional lens, highlighting how the Hazara's experiences are shaped by the convergence of ethnicity, religion, gender, and social class, leading to compounded marginalization and violence. Furthermore, we will analyze how the authors employ the anatomy of oppression to invert victim and perpetrator roles and utilize the fictional concept of a unified "Afghan" identity to erase Hazara distinctiveness. We will also examine instances of political manipulation, such as the actions of Pashtun politicians like Hanif Atmar, who falsely accused the Hazara Enlightenment Movement of Iranian backing while maintaining close ties with Iranian figures like Qasem Soleimani. Additionally, the role of Zalmay Khalilzad in supporting Pashtun dominance and his interactions with the Taliban will be analyzed, highlighting the complex web of political interests that perpetuate Hazara persecution.

1. The Ongoing Hazara Genocide – Unmasking how the report deliberately ignores centuries of meticulously documented systematic extermination, drawing parallels to the systemic violence of the Jewish Holocaust and the ongoing reality of ethnic apartheid, a clear violation of the Genocide Convention. The Genocide Convention is critical as it establishes the legal framework to define, prevent, and punish genocide, ensuring that states are held accountable for failing to protect populations from targeted extermination.

2. The Myth of "Afghan" Identity – Exposing how the term was forcibly imposed through violent subjugation to obliterate distinct Hazara history and cultural identity, an act of cultural erasure that directly contravenes the principles of the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination. This convention is essential as it obligates states to eliminate racial discrimination in all forms, promoting equality and preventing the erasure of distinct cultural identities.

3. British Colonialism's Role – Detailing how imperial Britain strategically armed and financed Pashtun tribes to execute a calculated genocide, highlighting the historical roots of contemporary oppression and the ongoing legacy of colonial violence. Understanding this historical context is crucial to addressing the systemic nature of the Hazara genocide, as it reveals the long-term impact of external support for oppressive regimes.

4. The Submission's Pashtun Nationalist Agenda (Disguised as Anti-Taliban) – Analyzing why its recommendations fundamentally reward and legitimize war criminals and their atrocities, directly undermining international efforts to hold perpetrators accountable under international humanitarian law. Upholding international humanitarian law is vital to ensure that those responsible for atrocities are brought to justice, deterring future crimes and promoting a culture of accountability.

5. The Case for Hazara Justice – Articulating why the international community must unequivocally recognize their stateless nationhood and demand accountability, emphasizing the Hazara's right to protection under the 1951 Refugee Convention and related protocols. The Refugee Convention is fundamental in protecting individuals fleeing persecution, ensuring that they receive safe haven and access to basic rights, thereby preventing further victimization.

The overwhelming evidence unequivocally proves this submission is not just flawed—it is complicit in the silencing of a people facing extermination.

The Hazara Genocide: A 140-Year Campaign of Extermination

A. The 1890s: How Afghanistan Was Built on Genocide and Mass Murder

Hazaristan map before the appearance of so-called Afghanistan

The submission completely erases the founding genocide of modern Afghanistan, a deliberate act of historical erasure that violates the fundamental principles of truth and justice.

Fact 1: Hazaristan Was a Sovereign Nation
Before colonization, the Hazara ruled Hazaristan, a well-documented territory spanning:

From Kabul to Herat (East to West)
From Kandahar to Balkh (South to North)

British officer Henry Walter Bellew (1834–1892) recorded:
"The Hazara country is the richest and most populous region of Central Asia."

Fact 2: The 1891–1893 Genocide
Under Pashtun king Abdur Rahman Khan, backed by British weapons and funding, the Hazara faced:

63% population extermination, a figure that highlights the sheer scale of the genocide and meets the definition of genocide in the Genocide Convention. This convention defines genocide as acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnical, racial or religious group.

Mass enslavement (thousands sold in Kabul markets), a clear violation of human rights and a crime against humanity. Enslavement violates fundamental human rights principles, including the right to freedom and dignity.

Land confiscation (given to Pashtun nomads, or Kuchis), an act of dispossession that constitutes ethnic cleansing and a violation of property rights. Land confiscation as a tool of ethnic cleansing disrupts communities and violates the right to property, contributing to the systematic destruction of a group.

This was not a "tribal conflict"—it was state-directed ethnic cleansing to create a Pashtun-dominated Afghanistan. This exemplifies the anatomy of oppression, where a dominant group (Pashtuns) used state power and external support (British) to systematically eliminate a targeted group (Hazara). The anatomy of oppression theory explains how dominant groups use power structures to maintain control and eliminate marginalized groups, highlighting the systemic nature of violence and discrimination.

B. The 20th–21st Century: Continuing the Genocide
The submission falsely claims "all ethnicities suffered equally." This is a key tactic in the anatomy of oppression: to minimize or deny the unique suffering of the targeted group. The data says otherwise, as detailed in "An Open Letter from the Poets World-wide to the Hazara," reports detailing the Kuchi-Taliban coalition's terror, the recent ABA resolution, the "Broken Frame, Shattered Glass" report, the Catalan Parliament's investigation, the information about the continued Pashtun aggression, the parallels to the Jewish Holocaust, and the systemic oppression detailed in "The Hazara Genocide and Ethnic Apartheid":

The 1993 Afshar Massacre (Kabul): Mujahideen forces slaughtered thousands of Hazara civilians, an act of targeted violence that meets the definition of genocide.
Documented atrocities: Women raped and burned alive, highlighting gendered violence within genocide, a crime against humanity. Gender-based violence is a tool of genocide, aimed at destroying the social fabric of a community.
Children were bayoneted in their homes, an act of extreme cruelty that underscores the intent to destroy the Hazara community.
The 1998 Taliban Genocide (Mazar-i-Sharif): 10,000+ Hazaras executed in three days, a mass killing that constitutes genocide.
Mass graves still being uncovered, highlighting the ongoing nature of the atrocities.
The 2001 Buddha Destruction (Bamiyan)
The Taliban dynamited old statues, an act of cultural genocide aimed at erasing Hazara and Hazaristan heritage.
Not just religious vandalism, a deliberate erasure of Hazara heritage and identity. Cultural genocide is the deliberate destruction of a group's cultural heritage.

2021–Present: Taliban 2.0

Massacres in Daikundi, Ghazni, Kabul (e.g., Kaj school bombing), ongoing acts of genocide.
Forced displacement of Hazara villages, a form of ethnic cleansing.
Ban on Shia practices and Hazara-language media, acts of cultural and religious persecution.
Relentless attacks by Kuchi Pashtuns, supported by the Taliban, involving looting, environmental destruction, and land occupation, aimed at displacing Hazara democracy advocates.
Horrifying brutality described by survivors in Daykundi, Oruzgan, Sar-e Pol, Ghazni, Baghlan, and Bamyan, including homes looted and properties burned.
Senseless destruction of trees, critical for livelihoods and the environment.
Persistent pattern of targeted violence, as noted by the ABA, including the massacres under Abdur Rahman Khan, the 1993 Afshar Massacre, and the 1998 Mazar-i Sharif Massacre.
Ongoing attacks by ISIS-K and Taliban.
Hazara refugees make up more than 50% of the total refugee population.
The attack in Dasht-e-Barchi area of Kabul, which targeted Hazara students at Kaaj educational center, highlighting the targeting of education, a key component in social mobility and thus a key element of intersectional oppression. Intersectional oppression theory highlights how multiple forms of discrimination intersect to create unique experiences of marginalization.
Taliban and other terrorist groups, raised among Pashtun tribes, act as the military arm of Pashtunism, with their slogan being "Hazara to goristan/graveyard."
This is part of over a century of war, not just four decades, as often portrayed.
The systemic violence, discrimination, and persecution faced by the Hazara people, including massacres, forced displacement, and targeted killings, mirrors the organized violence inflicted upon Jews during the Holocaust. The comparison to the Holocaust highlights the scale and systematic nature of the Hazara genocide.
The involvement of Kochi Pashtuns in atrocities against Hazara people, similar to the roles played by various actors in the Holocaust, highlights the diverse instruments of systematic violence.
The Taliban's actions, including mass killings, abductions, and forced conversions, fall within the definition of genocide under the 1948 Genocide Convention.
Forced displacement, intimidation, violence, land confiscation, and the disruption of the social fabric are systematically used to uproot Hazara communities.
Hazaras face discrimination in education, employment, political representation, cultural and religious practices, freedom of movement, healthcare, and land ownership.

Legal Verdict: The American Bar Association (2024) has formally declared this an ongoing genocide, reinforcing the legal basis for international intervention.

The Submission's Dangerous Omissions

A. Erasing Hazara Persecution
The authors:

Blame "warlords" but ignore that the Taliban are the worst warlords, a deliberate attempt to deflect responsibility from the primary perpetrators.
Attack Hazara advocacy as "biased" while ignoring:
-* As a result of systematic crimes including genocide, Hazara make up over 50% of refugees (UNHCR), highlighting their vulnerability and need for protection under the 1951 Refugee Convention. The Refugee Convention ensures that those fleeing persecution receive international protection.
-* Yet received less than 2% of government jobs under the so-called republic goverment, reflecting systemic discrimination based on ethnicity and religion, impacting economic opportunity, a violation of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination. This convention mandates states to eliminate racial discrimination in employment and other areas.
-* Also, as evidenced by the case of Hanif Atmar, Pashtun politicians have historically engaged in false accusations against Hazara movements, labeling them as Iranian proxies to undermine their credibility with the international community. This tactic, exemplified by Atmar's actions against the Hazara Enlightenment Movement, demonstrates a pattern of political manipulation aimed at isolating and discrediting Hazara voices.

B. The "Pashtun Victimhood" Myth
The submission claims Pashtuns suffered most. This is a deliberate attempt to invert victim and perpetrator roles, a key element of oppressive narratives. Reality:

80% of development aid went to Pashtun regions (World Bank), highlighting the systemic economic marginalization of the Hazara.
Hazara areas received <2% (Open Letter from World Poets, 2017), demonstrating the deliberate neglect of Hazara communities.
Hazara soldiers were used as cannon fodder on the frontlines, an act of exploitation that highlights their vulnerability.
The fact that the story of the majority and minority in Afghanistan is fake, as there is no reliable statistic or national census, is used to erase the specific plight of the Hazara.
Moreover, the influence of figures like Zalmay Khalilzad, who have consistently supported Pashtun dominance, has further marginalized non-Pashtun groups, including the Hazara. Khalilzad's actions, such as his support for the Taliban and his dismissal of their atrocities, illustrate how political interests can perpetuate ethnic discrimination.

The Submission's Pashtun Nationalist Agenda (Disguised as Anti-Taliban)

The authors, while presenting an anti-Taliban stance, advocate for policies that ultimately reinforce Pashtun dominance, mirroring the Taliban and Kuchi agenda. This includes:
-* Downplaying the Taliban's gender apartheid, which bans girls' education and violates fundamental human rights.
-* Minimizing the severity of the Taliban's state-sponsored violence, including public executions of protesters.
-* Obscuring the Taliban's ongoing genocide against the Hazara, including acts of cultural genocide.
-* Ignoring the Taliban's active support of Kuchi land grabs, which forcibly displace Hazara communities and facilitate Pashtun settlement.

This approach, despite its anti-Taliban veneer, effectively serves the goals of Pashtun nationalism, which underpins both the Taliban and Kuchi actions. It disregards international humanitarian law and the illegitimacy of the current Afghanistan government, which resulted from fraud and foreign intervention. Furthermore, the historical and ongoing relationships between figures like Zalmay Khalilzad and various Pashtun factions, including the Taliban, demonstrate how these political networks perpetuate the oppression of non-Pashtun groups, raising serious concerns about the integrity of efforts to address the Hazara genocide.

The Case for Hazara Justice

Global Voices for Justice

Hazara activists risked their lives

To document Taliban atrocities, providing crucial evidence for international legal proceedings.
Run secret schools for girls, defying Taliban's gender apartheid and upholding the right to education.
Campaign for genocide recognition, seeking international accountability and justice.

American Bar Association (2024)
Formally declared the Hazara genocide, urging:

Sanctions on Taliban leaders, to hold them accountable for their crimes under international law.
Protection for Hazara refugees, in accordance with the 1951 Refugee Convention.

Open Letter from World Poets (2017)
Signed by 500+ intellectuals, comparing Hazara persecution to:

South African apartheid, highlighting the systemic nature of discrimination and segregation.
The Holocaust, drawing a parallel to the scale and intent of extermination.
This global condemnation underscores the severity and historical parallels of the Hazara genocide, advocating for international recognition and action. The comparison to the Jewish Holocaust is particularly significant, as it highlights the systematic and intentional nature of the violence against the Hazara, emphasizing the urgent need for international intervention to prevent further atrocities. The anatomy of oppression is evident in the Taliban's systematic denial of Hazara rights and their attempts to erase Hazara history and identity.

The intersectional lens is crucial here. Hazara women and girls face compounded discrimination due to their ethnicity, religion, and gender. They are often denied education, subjected to forced marriages, and face extreme violence. This intersectional oppression makes them particularly vulnerable and requires targeted interventions.

Economic marginalization is another key aspect. Hazaras are systematically excluded from economic opportunities, denied access to land, and face discrimination in employment. This economic vulnerability exacerbates their plight and makes them more susceptible to violence and exploitation. The targeting of education, as seen in attacks on schools like the Kaaj educational center, is a deliberate attempt to undermine Hazara social mobility and perpetuate their marginalization.

What Australia Must Do

Reject this submission as Taliban propaganda, recognizing its role in denying genocide and whitewashing atrocities.
Recognize the Hazara genocide officially, acknowledging the historical and ongoing crimes against the Hazara people.
Prioritize Hazara refugees for asylum, providing safe haven in accordance with the 1951 Refugee Convention.
Sanction Taliban leaders under Magnitsky laws, holding them accountable for human rights abuses.
Investigate Kuchi land grabs as ethnic cleansing, addressing the systematic displacement of Hazara communities.
Acknowledge and condemn the political manipulation by pro-Taliban in Australia and figures like Hanif Atmar and Zalmay Khalilzad, who have undermined efforts to address the Hazara genocide.
Australia, as a signatory to the Genocide Convention and other human rights treaties, has a legal and moral obligation to act. This includes supporting international efforts to hold the Taliban accountable, providing protection to Hazara refugees, and advocating for the rights of the Hazara people on the international stage.

Conclusion: Will Australia Stand With Genocide Victims—Or Their Killers?

This submission is not just biased—it is a weapon of erasure. By:

Denying genocide.
Equating victims with perpetrators.
Pushing Taliban normalization.
It echoes the rhetoric of mass murderers.
The Hazara have waited 140 years for justice. The world is watching, will Australia side with truth, or complicity?

The Hazara Genocide: How British Colonialism Shaped the Fate of Hazaristan

Kamran Mir Hazar — 2024-10-27T13:32:50Z

Introduction

The late 19th century marked a tragic chapter in the history of the Hazara people, culminating in a genocide that continues to demand recognition and reparation. This systematic extermination was not an isolated incident but rather a direct consequence of British government involvement, which provided crucial political, financial, and military support to Pashtun tribes in their efforts to subjugate the Hazara population of Hazaristan. Such crimes, including ongoing genocide, forced displacement, and discrimination, underscore the urgency of recognizing and addressing these injustices. Understanding this complex history is essential to acknowledge the historical injustices faced by the Hazara, along with the psychological and cultural ramifications that persist today.

The Hazara Genocide: Systematic Extermination and Cultural Erasure

The genocide of the Hazara people is characterized by a concerted effort to annihilate this ethnic group, which formed a significant demographic within the region now known as so-called Afghanistan. Driven by British colonial interests in Central Asia, the strategic support lent to Pashtun forces led to the systematic killing of over 60% of the Hazara populace. Under the auspices of Abdur Rahman Khan Barikzai, the genocidal actions of the Pashtun tribes aimed to consolidate power in the region while facilitating violent incursions into Hazara lands.
The boundaries of the Hazara nation, as delineated by British colonial administrator Henry Walter Bellew, stretched from Kabul and Ghazni to Herat in one direction and from Kandahar to Balkh in the other. This territory encompassed much of what is now referred to as Afghanistan. Prior to the invasion of Hazara territory, the Pashtuns predominantly inhabited regions that are part of present-day Pakistan and India. British intervention in favor of the Pashtun tribes significantly undermined the Hazara's fundamental right to self-determination, a situation exacerbated by the enduring influence of the British government over these tribes.

Cultural Genocide: The Destruction of Identity

The Hazara genocide extended beyond physical extermination; it involved a concerted assault on their cultural identity. The systematic dismantling of Hazara heritage included the obliteration of significant cultural symbols, notably the Buddhas of Bamiyan. These monumental statues, carved into the cliffs of Hazaristan, represented the historical and cultural lineage of the Hazara people. Their destruction by the Taliban in 2001 epitomizes a broader campaign of cultural genocide aimed at erasing the Hazara from historical narratives.
This systematic effort to dismantle the identity of the Hazara people can be aptly described as "cultural genocide." The violence against the Hazara has persisted across centuries, fostering a culture of impunity for crimes against this marginalized nation. Moreover, the coercive imposition of a false identity “Afghan” has served to eliminate the distinctiveness of Hazara culture, perpetuating systemic discrimination and a narrative of subjugation.
Labeling the Hazara and other stateless nations as "minorities" is misleading and aligns with Pashtun propaganda, undermining their historical presence and sovereignty. Such terminology facilitates abuses against them and reinforces a dominant narrative that erases the unique cultural and political identities of these groups, particularly in the face of ongoing violence and oppression.

Hazaristan map before the appearance of so-called Afghanistan

The Role of British Colonialism: Political, Financial, and Military Support

The British government played a pivotal role in orchestrating the Hazara genocide. British colonial officials sought to expand their influence in the region, laying the groundwork for the violent subjugation of the Hazara. Through financial support and military assistance to Pashtun forces, the British facilitated a campaign aimed at consolidating power at the expense of the Hazara. This collaboration created a legacy of institutionalized violence, perpetuating systematic oppression against the Hazara people.
During this era, the media narrative surrounding the Hazara was heavily influenced by British colonial interests. Portraying the Hazara as "rebels" engaged in "rebellion" delegitimized their struggle for self-defense. This framing not only questioned the legitimacy of the Hazara's efforts to protect their community but also shaped public opinion, casting them in a negative light and further contributing to their marginalization. Such manipulation of narrative reinforced the injustices faced by the Hazara and obscured the truth about their plight.

Intergenerational Trauma: The Psychological Consequences of Genocide

The psychological ramifications of the Hazara genocide extend far beyond the immediate impact of violence, creating an enduring legacy of intergenerational trauma. The collective memory of atrocities committed against the Hazara instills a profound sense of fear, anxiety, and mistrust within the community. The scars of violence are not only individual but also communal, perpetuating cycles of trauma that continue to affect subsequent generations.
The imposition of a false identity, coupled with systemic violence, has left the Hazara grappling with a profound identity crisis. The psychological burden borne by the Hazara people is compounded by their continuous marginalization, reinforcing a narrative of victimhood and exclusion.

The Kochi Campaigns: State-Sanctioned Violence Against the Hazara

The Kochi campaigns, historically sanctioned by Pashtun-led governments, exemplify state-sponsored violence inflicted upon the Hazara. The Kochis enjoy significant ethnic privilege, having been granted ten dedicated seats in the so-called parliament during the Karzai and Ghani Ahmadzai Pashtunist regimes. This privileged status has allowed them to exert influence and maintain a presence in political spheres, even as thousands of Taliban prisoners were released by these governments.
Characterized by brutal land encroachments and violent repression, the Kochi campaigns empower well-armed Kochis, backed by the government, to freely move within Hazara territories. They engage in looting Hazara homes and invading Hazara lands, further entrenching a culture of oppression against the Hazara. The legacy of these actions is proof to the ongoing human rights violations endured by the Hazara, reinforcing a system of discrimination and abuse.

The Rise of Pashtun Nationalism and the Threat of Greater Pashtunistan

In contemporary times, extremist groups and nationalist movements among the Pashtuns, including the Taliban, advocate for the establishment of a so-called Greater Pashtunistan. This expansionist vision poses a significant threat to the Hazara and other ethnic groups in the region, including Uzbeks, Turkmen, Tajiks, and the Baloch people of Pakistan. The ambitions of these groups to dominate lands traditionally inhabited by the Hazara and others underscore the urgent need for international attention and action to protect these vulnerable communities from further marginalization and violence.
While the Pashtuns enjoy a federal system in Pakistan that allows for political autonomy and representation, any dialogue or movement toward decentralization or federalism within so-called Afghanistan is frequently branded as "national treason" by Pashtun nationalists. The current Taliban government, composed exclusively of Pashtun men, epitomizes exclusionary practices that undermine the rights of non-Pashtun communities and women. This regime's alignment with Pashtunwali traditions and an extremist interpretation of Islam inherently disqualifies them from adequately representing the interests and rights of the Hazara and other stateless nations.

The Need for Recognition and Reparations

To address the historical injustices faced by the Hazara, it is essential to formally recognize the genocide they have endured. Acknowledgment serves as a critical step toward justice, validating the suffering of the Hazara and reaffirming their right to exist and thrive as a distinct ethnic group. Recognizing the Hazara genocide is paramount for healing, reparation, and restoring their cultural heritage.
The British government, having played a significant role in facilitating the conditions for the Hazara genocide, bears a moral obligation to apologize and offer reparations to the Hazara people. Such actions would acknowledge the profound injustices of the past and support initiatives aimed at preserving Hazara culture, empowering communities, and facilitating mental health support for those affected by intergenerational trauma.

International Legal Framework: The Genocide Convention

The framework of international law, particularly the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, obligates the global community to protect vulnerable populations and hold accountable those responsible for such heinous acts. Article II of the Genocide Convention delineates specific acts that constitute genocide, including:

Killing members of the group: This encompasses the systematic extermination of Hazara individuals during the late 19th century.

Causing serious bodily or mental harm: The psychological impact of genocide on the Hazara community extends across generations, contributing to intergenerational trauma.

Deliberately inflicting conditions calculated to bring about the group's physical destruction: The systematic marginalization of the Hazara and the imposition of a false identity directly contribute to the erosion of their cultural identity and social standing.

Imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group: Historical and ongoing policies that restrict the reproductive rights of the Hazara community are a form of genocide.

Forcibly transferring children of the group to another group: This reflects the ongoing practices aimed at erasing Hazara identity and culture. Examples include the taking of Hazara children into slavery in the 19th century, which has been reported in various instances, and the targeting of Hazara hospitals, where mostly newborn babies are at risk. Such actions highlight the intent to disrupt the Hazara community's continuity and heritage.

The actions of Pashtun-led governments and groups such as the Taliban, along with their historical alliances with Kochi groups, epitomize the persistent violations of the Genocide Convention. These systematic crimes highlight the need for international intervention and accountability.

Acknowledging the Hazara Narrative: Countering Misrepresentation

In recent decades, the Hazara community has faced relentless persecution, while Pashtun governments and groups, including the Taliban, have engaged in a concerted campaign to misrepresent the Hazara narrative. Through misinformation and propaganda, these entities seek to obscure the realities of Hazara culture and history, perpetuating a dominant narrative that distorts public perception.
Recognizing the Hazara narrative is essential for promoting social justice and understanding. It is imperative to counter the misrepresentations that have historically plagued the Hazara, creating spaces for their voices to be heard and their experiences validated.

Conclusion

The genocide of the Hazara people represents a profound and complex historical tragedy, intricately woven into British colonial interests and contemporary geopolitical struggles. Recognizing the Hazara genocide, addressing its psychological and cultural impacts, and demanding accountability from those responsible are essential steps toward justice and healing for the Hazara community. The international community must heed the call for recognition and accountability, standing in solidarity with the Hazara in their quest for justice, dignity, and cultural preservation.

The Influence of Prominent Pashtuns in Shaping Perceptions and Misrepresentations in So-Called Afghanistan

Kabul Press AI — 2023-09-30T19:21:09Z

Introduction

The situation in the so-called country Afghanistan is complex, marked by ethnic tensions, gender disparities, and the resurgence of the Taliban. Amidst this turmoil, the Hazara of Hazaristan, along with other non-Pashtun ethnic groups, face a grim reality where their fundamental rights are systematically being eliminated. In this article, we examine how the terrorist group, the Taliban, is contributing to this dire situation and highlight the role of some well-educated Pashtuns including their women in supporting the Taliban, as well as the problematic involvement of organizations like PRIO.

Ethnic Disparities and Erasure in the So-Called Afghanistan

In the so-called Afghanistan, the issue of ethnic disparities and erasure is a deeply entrenched problem that has persisted for decades, and it continues to play a significant role in the country's complex socio-political landscape.

Diverse Ethnic Landscape: The so-called Afghanistan is home to a diverse array of ethnic groups and national, with Hazaras, Pashtuns, Tajiks, Uzbeks, and many others coexisting within its borders. These groups have distinct languages, cultures, and historical backgrounds.

Marginalization of Non-Pashtun Ethnic Groups: Despite this diversity, non-Pashtun ethnic groups, such as the Hazara, have frequently found themselves marginalized and subjected to genocide, forced displacement, and systemic discrimination. The Pashtun-majority governments and power structures have historically favored their own ethnic group, perpetuating a cycle of exclusion.

Disregarding Unique Identities: The erasure of non-Pashtun identities is a prevalent issue in the so-called Afghanistan. The tendency to homogenize the nation under a Pashtun-centric narrative often leads to the neglect and suppression of the unique cultural and linguistic identities of non-Pashtun communities.

Political Representation: Non-Pashtun groups have struggled to secure equitable political representation in the country's governance. This lack of political inclusivity has contributed to feelings of disenfranchisement and a sense of exclusion from the decision-making processes that affect their lives. That is why many non-Pashtuns are in favor of a federal system or partition to access the right of self-determination.

Ethnic-Based Conflict: The ethnic disparities and erasure have fueled ethnic-based conflicts, exacerbated tensions, and contributed to instability in the region. These conflicts often arise from grievances related to unequal access to resources, opportunities, and political power.

Propaganda and False Information: The dissemination of propaganda and false information further complicates the issue of ethnic disparities. Claims that Pashtuns are the majority in the so-called Afghanistan are often rooted in narratives designed to perpetuate Pashtun dominance.

Countering Ethnic Stereotypes: To address these challenges, it is crucial to challenge ethnic stereotypes and narratives that perpetuate division. Promoting diversity, respecting the rights to self-determination, inter-ethnic dialogue, understanding, and cooperation can be vital steps toward mitigating ethnic tensions.

Acknowledgment of Ethnic Diversity: Acknowledging the rich ethnic diversity within the so-called Afghanistan and recognizing the distinct identities of each group is essential for building a more inclusive and equitable society. This includes preserving and promoting minority languages, cultures, and traditions.

Taliban's Assault on Fundamental Rights and the Genocide of the Hazara in So-Called Afghanistan

The resurgence of the Taliban in the so-called Afghanistan has brought with it a dark cloud of oppression, particularly for non-Pashtun ethnic groups and nations like the Hazara. This extremist group's history of human rights violations has escalated to horrifying levels, including the genocide of the Hazara people and the systematic destruction of their historical and cultural identities.

On this day last year, a horrific attack on Kaaj educational centre in #Kabul left 54 dead & 114 wounded - mostly young Hazara women & girls. UNAMA stands with victims and relatives affected by this & so many other senseless acts of violence in #Afghanistan. pic.twitter.com/aVPJJF5mCJ

— UNAMA News (@UNAMAnews) September 30, 2023

Genocide of the Hazara: The Hazara community, as a stateless nation within the so-called Afghanistan, has been subjected to brutal genocidal campaigns by the Taliban. The atrocities against the Hazara population include mass killings, forced displacement, and the intentional targeting of Hazara civilians, including women and children. These actions constitute clear violations of fundamental human rights and international law.

In 1890, after the collapse of the state of Hazaristan following war with Afghanistan, 62% of indigenous Hazara were brutally killed by Afghanistan. On #HazaraGenocideMemorialDay, the @LemkinInstitute remembers the longstanding effects of the genocide and subsequent displacement… pic.twitter.com/DouXyn3Lzi

— Lemkin Institute for Genocide Prevention (@LemkinInstitute) September 26, 2023

Destruction of Cultural Heritage: One of the most notorious acts of cultural vandalism committed by the Taliban was the destruction of the Buddhas of Bamiyan, colossal statues carved into cliffs in Hazaristan. This UNESCO World Heritage site represented not only the rich cultural history of the Hazara but also the diverse cultural tapestry of the so-called Afghanistan. Its destruction was a tragic loss for humanity.

Suppression of Religious Freedom: The Taliban's harsh interpretation of Islamic law has led to the suppression of religious freedom, particularly for the Hazara population, who predominantly belong to the Shia branch of Islam. Hazara religious practices, shrines, and mosques have been targeted and desecrated, preventing the community from freely practicing their faith.

Displacement and Suffering: The Hazara people have faced forced displacement from their ancestral lands, leading to immense suffering. Many have been forced to flee their homes, living in squalid conditions as internally displaced persons or seeking refuge abroad, all while facing discrimination and persecution.

Systematic Discrimination: The Taliban's rule has enforced a system of systematic discrimination against non-Pashtun ethnic groups, with Hazaras bearing the brunt of this discrimination. Hazara individuals are often denied access to education, employment, and basic services, further marginalizing them within their own homeland.

Gender-Based Oppression: Women in the so-called Afghanistan, including Hazara women, have suffered immensely under the Taliban's rule. Strict dress codes, limited mobility, and restrictions on their participation in public life have stripped them of their basic human rights.

Cultural Erasure: Beyond the physical destruction of historical monuments, the Taliban's rule has also sought to erase Hazara cultural identities by suppressing their language, music, and arts. This cultural erasure contributes to the loss of the Hazara heritage.

International Response: The international community has condemned the Taliban's actions and called for accountability for their human rights abuses. However, meaningful intervention has been limited, and the Hazara continue to face grave threats to their existence.

The resurgence of the Taliban in the so-called Afghanistan has brought about a horrifying assault on fundamental rights, particularly for the Hazara people. The genocide of the Hazara, the destruction of their historical and cultural identities, and the suppression of their religious freedom and basic rights are grave injustices that demand international attention and intervention. Addressing these atrocities and providing protection and support for the Hazara and other marginalized communities in the so-called Afghanistan is essential to achieving lasting peace and justice in the region.

The Role of Pashtun Women in Lobbying for the Taliban and Their Enjoyment of Ethnic Privilege

The complex dynamics in the so-called Afghanistan involve not only the actions of male Taliban members but also the involvement of Pashtun women who actively lobby for the group. Their advocacy for the Taliban, rooted in their shared ethnic background, raises questions about the role of these women and the ethnic privilege they may enjoy.

Shared Ethnic Identity: Pashtun women who support the Taliban often emphasize their shared Pashtun ethnicity as a basis for their advocacy. They argue that the group represents the Pashtun community's interests and seek to legitimize their actions by framing them as ethno-nationalist struggles.

Perceived Ethnic Privilege: Some Pashtun women who lobby for the Taliban may enjoy certain forms of ethnic privilege within the Pashtun-majority areas where the group holds influence. This privilege can manifest in better access to movement, dress codes, employment, and social services compared to non-Pashtun communities.

From #Parwan to #Kabul 🚘 pic.twitter.com/AF6I42fbO2

— Diva Patang (@DivaPatang) September 28, 2023

Influence within the international community: Pashtun women who align themselves with the Taliban may hold influence within their own communities, including advocating for the group's policies and ideology. Their involvement can contribute to the perpetuation of the Taliban's agenda within Pashtun-majority areas. Since they have enjoy ethnic privilege and have access to financial and non-financial resources, they advocate the Pashtun nationalism under the name of ethnic majority, peace and even human rights.

Empowerment or Coercion: It is essential to consider whether Pashtun women's support for the Taliban is a result of personal empowerment and choice or if they are coerced into advocating for the group due to societal and familial pressures. In some cases, women may genuinely believe in the Taliban's cause, while in others, they may have limited agency in their decision-making.

Gender Dynamics within the Taliban: While some Pashtun women may lobby for the Taliban, it is crucial to recognize that the group's policies and actions have historically been repressive towards women. The Taliban's strict interpretation of Sharia law often curtails women's rights, limiting their access to education, employment, and public life.
Nuanced Perspective: It is important to avoid oversimplifying the role of Pashtun women who support the Taliban. Their motivations, experiences, and perspectives can vary widely, and not all Pashtun women align themselves with the group.

Balancing Ethnic Identity and Human Rights: The support of Pashtun women for the Taliban raises a challenging ethical question. While individuals have the right to express their ethnic and cultural identities, it becomes problematic when this support contributes to human rights abuses, violence, and the marginalization of non-Pashtun communities.

The Need for Dialogue: Promoting open and inclusive dialogue within Pashtun communities and across ethnic lines is essential to address the complexities of ethnic identity and privilege. Such dialogue can help bridge divides and promote understanding among different ethnic groups and nations in the so-called Afghanistan.

Pashtun women's role in lobbying for the Taliban, often rooted in their shared ethnic identity, is a complex issue that requires careful consideration. While they may enjoy certain ethnic privileges in Pashtun-majority areas, it is crucial to acknowledge the diverse motivations and experiences of these women. Balancing the expression of ethnic identity with the protection of human rights is a challenge that the so-called Afghanistan and the international community must address as they seek to build a more inclusive and equitable society.

Questionable Recognition: PRIO and the Nobel Peace Prize's Contribution to Injustice and Human Rights Abuses

The Peace Research Institute Oslo (PRIO) is an institution known for its involvement in the field of conflict resolution and peace studies. However, its actions regarding the so-called Afghanistan, particularly in relation to nominations for the Nobel Peace Prize, have faced criticism due to concerns that they may indirectly contribute to injustice and human rights abuses.

The Nobel Peace Prize has a long history of being awarded to individuals and organizations that have made significant contributions to promoting peace,human rights,and social justice. However,the recent nomination of Mahbooba Siraj has sparked concerns about the merit of nominees pic.twitter.com/ZbPDRmcApZ

— Hazara Women Global Movement (@HazarawomenGm) February 22, 2023

Lack of In-Depth Understanding: PRIO's involvement in nominating individuals from so-called Afghanistan for the Nobel Peace Prize has raised concerns about the institute's understanding of the complex dynamics in the region. The nomination of Mahbooba Seraj without a comprehensive understanding of her affiliations and potential roles in supporting the Taliban can inadvertently contribute to the promotion of groups associated with human rights abuses.

Legitimizing Controversial Figures: Nominating individuals with ties to Pashtun ethno-nationalism or groups that have been implicated in human rights abuses, even unintentionally, can be seen as providing legitimacy to these actors. Such recognition can be perceived as an endorsement of their actions and may further complicate efforts to address injustices in the so-called Afghanistan.

Stimulating Ethnic Divisions: PRIO's nominations, if perceived as biased or favoring one ethnic group over others, can exacerbate ethnic divisions in so-called Afghanistan. This can hinder peacebuilding efforts and contribute to an environment of mistrust and animosity among different ethnic communities and nations.

The Role of Independent Research: Organizations like PRIO play a crucial role in shaping public perception and international discourse. When their nominations are perceived as biased or lacking rigorous research and analysis, it can undermine the credibility of independent research and perpetuate misconceptions about the situation in the so-called Afghanistan.

Taliban Supporter Seraj

Ethical Responsibility: Organizations involved in peace and conflict research, such as PRIO, have an ethical responsibility to ensure that their actions do not inadvertently support or legitimize actors involved in human rights abuses. Nominations for prestigious awards like the Nobel Peace Prize should be based on thorough and impartial assessments.

Impact on Peace Efforts: The unintended consequences of PRIO's actions, such as potentially emboldening groups linked to the Taliban, can undermine peace efforts in the so-called Afghanistan. Achieving lasting peace requires a nuanced understanding of the situation, and the recognition of individuals or groups without such understanding can hinder progress.

Balancing Recognition and Accountability: PRIO, like other organizations, faces the challenge of balancing the recognition of individuals or groups working toward peace with accountability for human rights abuses. It is essential for organizations to be vigilant and exercise due diligence when making nominations or endorsing individuals for prestigious awards.

The Role of Influential Pashtuns and the Circulation of False Information about So-Called Afghanistan

In the complex and often turbulent landscape of the so-called Afghanistan, influential Pashtuns have played significant roles in shaping international perceptions, policies, and narratives. However, some of these influential figures have been accused of misrepresenting facts and circulating false information, particularly concerning other ethnic groups like the Hazara.

Historical Influence: Pashtuns have historically held positions of power and influence in the so-called Afghanistan, contributing to the shaping of the nation's political and social dynamics. This historical dominance has allowed some influential Pashtuns to exert considerable influence over the country's narrative.

Circulation of False Information: Some influential Pashtuns have been criticized for perpetuating false information or narratives that favor their own ethnic group while undermining or misrepresenting the experiences and histories of other communities, such as the Hazara.

Ethnic Propaganda: In the context of the so-called Afghanistan, where ethnic tensions have often played a role in the conflict, the circulation of ethnic propaganda by influential Pashtuns can exacerbate divisions and contribute to misunderstandings among different communities.

International Policy Impact: Influential Pashtuns who have close ties to international actors can influence the formulation of foreign policies and narratives about the so-called Afghanistan. This can have significant consequences, as policies and perceptions based on false information may lead to unintended outcomes.

Misleading Narratives: Some influential Pashtuns have framed issues in a way that portrays their own ethnic group as victims and other ethnic groups as aggressors or troublemakers. This distortion of facts can hinder efforts to address the root causes of conflict and human rights abuses.

Ethnic Hegemony: The actions of influential Pashtuns may be seen as attempts to maintain or reinforce ethnic hegemony within the so-called Afghanistan. This can create a hostile environment for non-Pashtun communities, such as the Hazara, and perpetuate inequalities.

Undermining Peace and Reconciliation: False information and misleading narratives can hinder peace and reconciliation efforts in the so-called Afghanistan. By misrepresenting the experiences of different ethnic groups, influential Pashtuns may inadvertently undermine the trust-building necessary for lasting peace.

Ethical Responsibility: Influential Pashtuns, like all leaders and figures of authority, have an ethical responsibility to ensure that the information they share is accurate, fair, and impartial. Misrepresenting facts can lead to unnecessary conflict and suffering.

The resurgence of the Taliban and the maintenance of Pashtun ethnic hegemony in the so-called Afghanistan are not isolated incidents. Well-educated and influential Pashtuns, such as Zalmay Khalilzad, have played significant roles in shaping the country's political landscape. Their intentional involvement has contributed to the challenges faced by non-Pashtun communities.

Conclusion

The situation in the so-called country Afghanistan is fraught with complexities related to ethnic tensions, gender disparities, and the resurgence of the Taliban. To address these issues effectively, it is essential to acknowledge the systematic erosion of fundamental rights faced by non-Pashtun communities, particularly the Hazara. It is equally crucial to consider the role of Pashtun women who lobby for the Taliban and the implications of organizations like PRIO in the region. Only through a nuanced understanding of these dynamics can we hope to foster peace, justice, and equitable rights for all in the so-called Afghanistan.

Ten Facts That Biden, Harris, Blinken and Austin Should Know About So-Called Afghanistan

Kabul Press - Investigative News & Analysis — 2021-03-21T09:31:00Z

1. Taliban and other terrorist groups raised among Pashtun tribes act as the military arms of Pashtunism, and their main policy is to invade non-Pashtuns' land. Their popular slogan is Tajiks to Tajikistan, Uzbek to Uzbekistan, Turkmen to Turkmenistan, and Hazara to goristan/graveyard.

2. It is over a century of war in the so-called country Afghanistan, but the western politicians and media like to say four decades, since the Soviet invasion.

3. Pashtun dictator Abdurrahman has signed the Durand line agreement to accepted this line as the official border of the so-called country Afghanistan and British-India (Pakistan) in 1983. This happened after the genocide of the Hazara and Nuristanis. Pashtun tribes do not recognize this border now, and at the same time, they respect Abdurrahman as he could kill over 63% of the Hazara population and invade most parts of their land.

4. Selling and buying Pashtun suicide bombers is a big market in tribal areas of the so-called country Afghanistan and Pakistan.

5. Pashtun tribes produce the biggest part of the world's poppy, and a big part of this drug business goes to the Taliban. There is no any intention by the Pashtunist government to stop this business.

6. The Pashtunist government of Afghanistan and officials such as Ashraf Ghani Ahmadzai, Hanif Atmar, and Mohammed Masoom Stanekzai are Taliban's supporters based on their common ethnic affiliation.

7. The government of Afghanistan is illegal and is the result of fraud and the US and UK interventions.

8. The story of the majority and minority in Afghanistan is fake. There is no reliable statistic nor national census.

9. Afghan and Afghanistan can not be identity and name for most people and their country. Most people have Dari as their native language, the word Afghan means cry in Dari. Awgho, Awghan or Afghan is another name for Pashtun ethnic group.

10. Many people believe in the Partition of the so-called country Afghanistan or a federal system.

Flags pictured by Jafar Rezai

The Political Aspects of APTTA

Dr. Hussain Yasa — 2021-01-31T06:37:46Z

Abstract

The APTTA renewal between Pakistan and Afghanistan has always increased concern in the light of developing political scenario. This article evaluates the forthcoming challenges and hurdles during the renewal process of the Afghanistan-Pakistan Transit Trade Agreement (APTTA). The agreement expires on February 11, 2021. The article evaluates the two major hurdles
A) First, the technical and procedural problems, like cessation of informal trade, effective usage of Information Technology (tracking devices of goods, vehicular tracking systems etc.), banking guarantees, and special bonded carrier licenses for transit trucks, container security deposits, and all other logistics and customs procedures, better working relationship and communication between the relevant authorities.
B) Political and security concerns of both parties, particularly Pakistan. The first set of problems seems to be negotiated smoothly but the second problem might be a real bone of contention. It is the inclusion of India into this agreement or at least the provision of Indian access to Afghanistan via Wagah Border. On this issue, both Afghanistan and Pakistan stand on opposite sides.

Introduction

In spite of sharing the longest border, having much in common in religion, culture and language on both sides of the border, naturally locked in interdependency in the various key areas like economy and security, both Pakistan and Afghanistan could never acquire a smooth level of relationship.
The root causes of this discontent in the mutual relations between both neighbors have varying perceptions in their geopolitical realm, sometimes difficult to sum it up in a small article. But the fact cannot be denied that both countries geographically locked into each as neighbors will keep affecting a degree of consensus, though at times an uneasy one, in terms of security policy and economic cooperation between both the states. Notwithstanding the fact that both governments could not maintain a desirable level of relations, still millions of legal and illegal refugees prefer Pakistan as their second home and tens of thousands of Afghan children are being educated there. In addition to that thousands more are busy in licit and illicit businesses in Pakistan.
No doubt that Pakistan and Afghanistan have their own unique geopolitical and geo-economic strategic importance, it would be improper for both countries to undermine the other. Pakistan is a junction of South Asia, West Asia and Central Asia with ample of coastline along the Arabian Sea which is of high importance and enables it to be an important hub for the transit trade to Afghanistan, china and the CARs. On the other hand, Afghanistan, though a landlocked country, has been known as a cultural crossroads of the Indian, Persian and Chinese civilizations, it has significant geostrategic and geopolitical importance by connecting East and West Asia or the Middle East to Central Asia, not to mention that it is the home of approx. over one trillion US dollars' worth of untapped precious mineral deposits.

If Pakistan has one of the largest armies in the world and it is the only Islamic nuclear power state, the dilemma occurs when lasting peace in Afghanistan is only possible with mutual security consensus between both the states but for Pakistan not compromising on its own geopolitical concerns in the changing security, political and geo-economic dynamics of the region, the vicious cycle of instability seems to remain unresolved. As for Afghanistan, being the heart of Asia, as the poet of the East Allamah Muhammad Iqbal acknowledged it; its destabilization bears direct consequences on the region. In other words, Afghanistan's instability factor alone would be enough to seek its nuisance among the regional players at least, if it could not do much to prove itself otherwise, particularly, when Afghanistan lacks the capacity to contain trans-border spillover of its internal security problems.

Both countries can play important role in the stability of South and Central Asia. Being a landlocked country, Afghanistan has been dependent on its neighbors for transit trade and the provision of the basic necessities, from food items, petroleum products up to basic medicines. Amid the continuous civil war, it still exports fresh and dried fruits, carpets and other textile floor covering. Although. In spite of the huge investment in blood and money by the international community over the last two decades, Afghanistan still faces a huge trade imbalance. According to the available data from WTO, the trade deficit of Afghanistan in 2018 was US$ 6.4 billion with US$ 1.2 billion imports and the exports were only US$ 485 million which is -32.72% of the GDP. In 2019, the situation improved a little bit and this deficit decreased to -30.11% of the GDP .

Pakistan, Iran, China and India are the main trading partners of Afghanistan. Till 2013 Trade between Pakistan and Afghanistan was at its peak by US$ 2.1 Billion but after that, the graph shows a decline in the mutual trade between the two countries. At the moment, Pakistan is the top export partner of Afghanistan with US$ 379million (43%) and India with US$ 359 million (41%) stay at number two but as far as imports are concerned Iran and China overtook Pakistan with US$ 1.26 billion and US$ 1.17 billion respectively. Pakistan stands third as the importing partner of Afghanistan by US$ 1.09 billion. Afghanistan's import from India is US$ 359.47 million.

From “ATTA” to “APTTA”

The first transit trade agreement between Pakistan and Afghanistan signed on March 02, 1965. Although, it was a bilateral treaty but officially it was called “Afghanistan Transit Trade Agreement” and according to that treaty Pakistan was not given the access to the then USSR while Afghanistan had the access to the ports of Pakistan, mainly the Karachi seaport which is the shortest and most cost-effective route to access the regional and the world market. In that agreement Afghanistan was not given the facility to access India by land route. For Pakistan the agreement was not balanced because it was not given reciprocal access to the USSR and after its collapse in the 90s, to the Central Asian Republics (CARs).

In the post-Taliban Afghanistan ATTA was replaced by the “Afghanistan Pakistan Transit Trade Agreement” which was signed by the commerce minister of both countries on October 28, 2010, in Kabul. This time the agreement was much more comprehensive with 58 articles and two annexes specifying exit-entry routes and four protocols with all the relevant technical and legal details.
By this agreement, Pakistan was given access to the CARs from three main points and Afghanistan was allowed access to Pakistan's seaports as well as to the Wagah Border for its exports to India but does not allow Indian Exports to Afghanistan through Wagah Land Border.
The international community and the United Nations welcomed and appreciated the agreement and called it a positive step toward the promotion of mutual trade and relations.
In addition to the traditional Red-Tapism and the corruption in border and customs authorities, there were always two problems that were raised time and again by both sides.
Pakistan was always concerned about the illegal and informal trade which costs Pakistan a huge sum of money annually as well as it had a bad impact on the Pakistani domestic industry and trade. It has been really a big challenge for Pakistan to control its more 2600 km porous border to control these illicit trade activities.
The second issue was Afghanistan's persistent demand that India should be given access for its exports to Afghanistan through Pakistani land routes. Pakistan has never responded positively to this Afghan demand due to the legal aspects of the agreement as well as the security concerns.

Informal Trade

According to the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), Pakistan is uniquely challenged by the nexus between crime and the illegal economy due to its geographic location. The country's relations with its neighbors, particularly Afghanistan, are complicated by cross-border criminality, which in turn creates a thriving regional illegal economy orchestrated by complex informal and formal organized criminal networks of supplier rings, wholesalers, financiers, protectors and patrons. The situation within the region has implications for the broader global community as the risks created by illegal and criminal economic activities spread and multiply far beyond. For example, illegal drug trafficking risks human health globally; illegal trade that funds insurgencies poses not just local and regional security challenges but also to more distant locations. The report also says that Afghanistan's illicit trade is still the major source of income. While the illegal economy raises the cost for conducting legal economic activities, it also weakens states, threatens development opportunities, undermines the rule of law, and keeps countries trapped in a cycle of poverty and instability.

A research paper by the Pakistan Strategy Support Program (PSSP) writes the details that how the goods destined for Afghanistan under the APTTA, upon arrival at the Karachi port, pay no duties, after which they are loaded onto trucks that transit Pakistani territory to reach Afghanistan via Chaman or Torkham (border crossing points). After arrival in Afghanistan, the merchandise is smuggled back to Pakistan.

According to CIDOB, the informal (non-opium) trade including smuggling (electronics, car parts, semi-precious stones, carpet, livestock, and foodstuffs). Informal trade reportedly accounts annually for US$ 1.5 billion, with smuggling accounting for US$1 billion. The same report mentions that “Lack of justice and rule of law, of which informal economies are a part, are a greater threat to Afghanistan than insurgency”.
Abdul Razak Dawood, the adviser to the Pakistani Prime Minister on Commerce and Investment depicts more serious situation. As said by him, the volume of informal trade between the countries was UD$ 2 billion in 2019.

But bad news for the smugglers and the people engaged in illegal trade across the Pak-Afghan border, Inter-Services Public Relations, or ISPR (The media wing of the Pakistan Army) said that the barrier has already been installed along “about 83 percent” of the western Pakistani frontier. Additionally, hundreds of new outposts and forts have been built under the roughly $500 million program. The project was started in 2017 to block militant infiltration, smuggling, and other illegal crossings on the Pakistan-Afghanistan border. Under the military-led border management project, Islamabad has also upgraded several formal crossings with Afghanistan to further facilitate bilateral and transit trade activities.

In spite of the serious blames that Pakistan is not doing more against the infiltration of terrorists across the border, the Afghan government didn't welcome this Pakistani measure and called this fencing illegal. Kabul still unilaterally claims that a huge area inside Pakistan belongs to Afghanistan and presently occupied by Pakistan.

The Afghan Ministry of Borders and Tribal Affairs, in its official website, doesn't recognize the borders between Afghanistan as legal and calls it “Malicious Durand Line”. Another dilemma overshadowing Pak-Afghan Relations in all areas of mutual cooperation.

APTTA and India

In fact, after the partition of British India into two states of India and Pakistan in 1947, Afghanistan never had good relations with Pakistan. The ethnocentric approach of the consecutive Kabul governments toward the Durand line and territorial claim over a vast area in Pakistan has been the main obstacle in building a good working relationship between Kabul and Islamabad. With the utopian vision of a greater Pashtunistan or Afghanistan, India was a better ally to rely on. India also did not mind it to be accommodated in Afghanistan, in the immediate neighborhood of its hostile neighbor Pakistan. But for Pakistan, the Indian presence on both Eastern and Western borders has always been a matter of concern.
In brief, this negative trend in low-level relations between the two neighbors dominates all areas from politics to economy.
For India, there are only two roads leading to Afghanistan and onward to the reasonably sized CARs market and access to their natural resources. The distance between Wagah (Indian Border) to Torkham is only 588.4 km and from there to the capital, Kabul is only 228.4 km. It means the total distance from the nearest Indian border to Kabul is 816.8 km. Considering the unfriendly relations with Pakistan, in particular, the long-lasting issue of Kashmir, it is almost impossible for India to access this route to Afghanistan without the solution of the key issues with Pakistan.
The other issue which is seriously disturbing India is the expanding project of “The One Belt One Road Initiative” led by China and its Southern extension, the CPEC (China-Pakistan Economic Corridor). The CPEC is not only an important part of the Chinese-led global economic project but also a game-changer in the region which enables China to access and dominate the maritime politics of the Indian Ocean. The total distance via land route between Gwadar, the main hub of the CPEC to the “Khunjarab”, the Chinese border is only 2757 km.
If India would search for another alternative route to reach Afghanistan and ultimately to CARs, it has only one option, that is Iran. The Iranian port of “Chabahar” is said to be the potential competitor of Gwadar and no doubt that it is also an important port strategically.
To bypass Pakistan, years before the APTTA is signed, India has started a key highway project of Zaranj-Dilaram Highway (Route 606). This 215km long highway connects Iran to the Kabul-Herat highway, the only and the key route of Afghanistan, connecting Herat to Kabul and onward to northern Afghanistan. This ambitious project was started in 2005 and completed in 2009. The highway is constructed by the Building and Road Organization of India (BRO) and it cost US$ 125 million.
On January 22, 2009, Hamid Karzai, the former Afghan President, and Pranab Mukherji, who was serving as the Indian FM at that time, participated in the inauguration ceremony of route 606. Both leaders, in their speeches, talked about the benefits of the project and its probable impact on the regional integration but some parts of both speeches were said to be provocative. Mukherji said, “The completion of the road reflects the determination of both India and Afghanistan that nothing can prevent or hinder collaboration between the two countries" and Karzai was two steps ahead, he said, “the completion of the project, which opens a shorter alternative route connecting Kabul to Iran, is a message to those who want to stop cooperation between India and Afghanistan. “Our cooperation will not stop .”
On May 23, 2016, India, Iran, and Afghanistan signed a trilateral transit trade deal in Tehran. This transit trade pact was inked in the presence of Narendra Modi, Hassan Rohani, and Ashraf Ghani, all three heads of states.
In the same visit, Indian PM announced that India would invest US$500 million to develop the strategically important Chabahar port, close to Iran's border with Pakistan, he said that the port would open a transit route to Afghanistan and Central Asia for Indian goods and products, avoiding the land route through Pakistan. The Iranian business daily, Ta'adol, also welcomed the deal. It said that India wants to challenge China's power in central and South Asia through Chabahar port. Noting that China is trying to control the pulse of regional trade by making extensive investments in the Pakistani port of Gwadar, India is now positioned against its strong competitor by investing in the port. The newspapers reminded its readers of ‘setbacks' that Iran has faced due to India, “We should raise our complaints… and ask them [India] to be more honest in their trade with Iran, and to fulfill their obligations more seriously,” Another Iranian daily E'temad added that Mr. Modi's visit and the signing of agreements on joint projects, energy and connectivity will ring danger bells in Islamabad, China, and Riyadh.
Indian newspapers called the deal a milestone and a strategic defeat of Pakistan as well as the potential to provide an Indian strategic counter to Pakistan's Gwadar port being developed by China right next door to Chabahar.

The Iranian daily's concerns came true when the U.S. President Donald Trump overturned the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) and imposed rigorous sanctions on Iran in 2018. India could not continue with Iran, the way Iran counted on it.
Iranian Foreign minister, Zawad Zarif conveyed to his Indian Counterpart that Iran had expected the Modi government to be ‘more resilient' in the face of Washington's bullying at a time when equally Modi government was dragging its feet on the Chabahar port project, which has far-reaching implications for regional connectivity, stability, and security. In fact, Zarif reflected the deep misgivings at the highest level of Iranian leadership that India's capacity or political will to pursue independent foreign policies are increasingly in doubt.
On the other hand, a partnership with the US to restrain China was also attractive for India. The table moved further around after the two-day visit of Saudi Crown Prince, Mohammad bin Salman (MBS) in India on February 29, 2019. The visit was followed by a UD$ 100 billion Saudi investment in Indian in the areas of energy, refining, petrochemicals, infrastructure, agriculture, minerals, and mining.
This strategic shift in both Indian and Saudi foreign policy was received with great concerns in all three relevant countries, Pakistan, Iran, and China.
As a logical percussion in August 2020, a piece of breaking news about the Chino-Iran mega-deal of US$ 400 billion through a strategic partnership, over the next 25 years rattled not only the Indian policymakers but also the western countries. Now, Iran did not need any more Indian investment in Chabahar port, the crucial railway line from Chabahar to Zahedan that ultimately connects the Iranian port to Zaranj nor the Iranian were eager for Indian money to explore the Farnaz B gas field. India started feeling to be footed out of the deal and the ambitious approach to access Afghanistan and the CARs. India wooed Iran to keep China away from Chabahar. Although Iran had a very diplomatic and soft response to India but a former Iranian diplomat, who served in India, said New Delhi's “growing ties” with the US and Israel under the Narendra Modi government have “not gone down well with Tehran. ” But it seems to be too late.

Another angle

Now, how the APPTA could be an important factor for both countries to preserve their geopolitical/economic importance and guarantee the prosperity of the people in both countries. Although, Pakistan continued to disallow the transit of Indian exports to Afghanistan via its land routes due to multidimensional political, security, legal and technical problems. But it allows exports of fresh fruits, vegetables, and herbs from Afghanistan to India through the Wagah land border. It means Afghanistan does not have any problem with its exports from Pakistan. Over and above to India and the rest of the world, Pakistan itself has been the favorite destiny of Afghanistan's fresh fruits and vegetables with minimal spoilage and without losing its natural taste and freshness. Fresh fruits and vegetables comprise a big percentage of the total Afghan export. According to the paper, AFGHANISTAN NATIONAL EXPORT STRATEGY 2018-2022, FRESH FRUITS AND VEGETABLES SECTOR published Afghan Ministry of Industry and Commerce, over 90% of Afghan fresh fruits and vegetables are consumed in Pakistan, US$ 71.5 million and it is predicted an increase of 45% in coming years. Moreover, there is a high demand for Afghan coal in Pakistan. Only one company ‘Fauji Cement Company ltd.' requires up to 324,000 metric tons of Afghan coal per annum.

Now, let us explore two more important issues related to APTTA.
1. The Chabahar Port indeed bypasses Pakistan and if the other issues did not overshadow the Indo-Iranian relations, as it is discussed earlier, India may have access to Afghanistan but the main destination of India is CARs and beyond that. Why India would use Afghanistan as a transit route while Iran has better infrastructure, better roads, railway lines, and better management bodies, as well as there, are no security threats, it operational in all seasons and the no hard terrain to cross. So, the importance of Afghanistan as a crossroad and a connecting hub will be badly affected which will have a long-run effect. India will certainly use the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC). It is the ship, rail, and road route for moving freight between India, Russia, Iran, Europe, and Central Asia. The INSTC project was initiated by Russia, India, and Iran in September 2000 in St. Petersburg. The trilateral agreement was signed on May 16, 2002, at least one-half decades earlier than the India-Iran-Afghanistan trade transit agreement.

2. Another agreement ‘The Quadrilateral Traffic in Transit Agreement (QTTA)' was signed by Pakistan, China, Kyrgyzstan, and Kazakhstan on March 09, 1995, in Islamabad, 15 years earlier than the APTTA. Later on, in 2017 Tajikistan also wished to join this agreement while Kabul has reluctant to finalize a transit trade agreement with Islamabad. Tajikistan is poised to join a separate initiative that will connect Pakistan to Central Asia, bypassing Afghanistan entirely. The QTTA provides Pakistan an alternative gateway to Central Asia by completely circumnavigating Afghanistan. It would use the Karakoram Highway which connects Gilgit-Baltistan to China's Xinjiang region, which links to Central Asia. On May 08 2020, the Uzbek Deputy Prime Minister, Sardor Umurzakov also submitted a formal request. The road will provide Uzbekistan access to China and the Pakistani seaports. Now, this project is part of CPEC and is operational. This transit route is also bypassing Afghanistan. Although, the road passing from the tough mountainous areas and the traffic might face problems, it the same case with the Kabul-Mazar-e Sharif highway when it passes through Salang Mountains and Tunnel.

Concluding Remarks

1. All knows the undesirable fluctuating relationship between both neighbors but both have to overcome those problems as soon as possible; lest it will undermine all facets of relation from trade to peace and stability in Afghanistan and Pakistan.

2. APTTA has more implications beyond mutual trade. If, Afghanistan cannot incorporate the region economically by this project; it should not lose Pakistan and CARs. If APTTA is not signed Afghanistan may lose its leverage as the crossroad of the region. The countries all around Afghanistan, which are much more stable economically and politically may find their way for mutual trade with or without Afghanistan. The two examples of INSTC and QTTA projects, respectively led by Russia and China are already discussed above.

3. No doubt that India is an important country in the region but the persistent pressure of Kabul to include India in the APTTA does not seem to be materializing. Since the mutual relations between Pakistan and India have their own dynamics and history, until they do not resolve their problems of considering each other an existential threat, APTTA has to move forward with or without India. India cannot export to Afghanistan via Wagah and Pakistan land route but the government of Pakistan has given Afghanistan a special dispensation to export Afghan Goods to India.

4. India has already found another trade route for its exports to Afghanistan and CARs., Afghanistan does not need to worry about that.

5. Although one can realize the immense pressure on president Ghani, Afghanistan really a hard land to rule with the history of the four-decade war. At present, the issues of his lavish dining table with fourteen various types of meet and the deadlock in Doha Talks might be matters of more importance but APTTA is also a matter that should be dealt with on a priority basis.

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https://www.hindustantimes.com/world/india-hands-over-strategic-zaranj-delaram-highway-to-afghan/story-WSbFNMguMWjvY39V7fR46H.html
BBC (23 May 2016), India and Iran sign 'historic' Chabahar port dealhttps://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-india-36356163
BHADRAKUMAR, M K (November 19, 2019), Why Iran is upset with India.
https://www.rediff.com/news/column/why-iran-is-upset-with-india/20191119.htm
The economic Times/ News (September 29, 2019), Our investment plans in India on track, Indian economy has strength to bounce back: Saudi Arabia.
https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/economy/foreign-trade/saudi-arabia-to-invest-usd-100-billion-in-india/articleshow/71358978.cms?utm_source=contentofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppst
Mahdi, Sayed Zafar (September 17, 2020), India wooed Iran to keep China away from Chabahar.
https://www.aa.com.tr/en/asia-pacific/india-woos-iran-to-keep-china-away-from-chabahar/1976190
AFGHANISTAN NATIONAL EXPORT STRATEGY 2018-2022
FRESH FRUITS AND VEGETABLES SECTOR
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Fauji Cement Company ltd.
http://fccl.com.pk/wp-content/uploads/2016/01/Afghan-Coal.pdf
Bhutta, Zafar (February 24, 2017), Tajikistan to join Pakistan road link bypassing Afghanistan. Dushanbe's request to join Quadrilateral Traffic in Transit Agreement has been approved
https://tribune.com.pk/story/1337274/tajikistan-join-pakistan-road-link-bypassing-afghanistan
Khan, Mubarak Zeb (May 08, 2020), Uzbekistan looks to Pakistani ports
https://www.dawn.com/news/1555445/uzbekistan-looks-to-pakistani-ports

Will the So-Called Country Afghanistan Reach to Prosperity With the Pashtuns?

Shamsuddin Mohammadi — 2020-05-19T05:03:03Z

So, eventually, what is the solution?

This is the question that comes to my mind every day. Thereupon I read the contemporary history of Afghanistan, where power has been held by Pashtuns for about three centuries. Pashtun leaders have repeatedly sought to Pashtunize the country (Khorasan). For example, the fertile-lands of the Hazaras in Helmand and Kandahar and other places seized and they faced forced migration! The Hazaras refuge to mountainous central areas.

As the power was constantly in the hands of Pashtuns, wealth and resources have always been given to the Pashtun areas. No resources or facilities have been provided in Hazara areas. As of now, if anyone takes a short trip to all over Kabul, will clearly see how deprived the Hazara areas are of government and national resources. The Hazaras always face prejudices and discriminations even till now!

Five Hazara Burned Alive by Pashtun Taliban

Qyāq Valley of Ghazni, Hazaristan
May 17, 2020

The type of system structure was changed from kingdom to absolute centralized presidency. That is, the president of the country takes all decisions alone. Because it has always been Pashtun's presidency(as if it is copyright), and national resources and national wealth have always been to the Pashtuns. If the change in the system brought up in the agenda, the Pashtun elites have immediately opposed it.

The genocide of the Hazaras during the reign of Abdul Rahman Khan, the enslavement and sale of Hazara women and men in the markets are clear hostility of Pashtuns. According to historians, more than 62 percent of the Hazara population was massacred by Abdul Rahman Khan's army, and a large part of the Hazara community forcibly migrated to Iran, Pakistan, and other countries. The mass killings of Hazaras are still continuing. The usurpation of fertile-lands in the north of the country and the transfer of Pashtuns in those areas occurred during the reign of King Zahir Shah. The country was officially renamed to Afghanistan by Ahmad Shah Abdali. The Kabuli rupee converted into Afghani and the Persian texts from banknotes removed and instead of that Pashto was written. The National Anthem is Pashto. Respectively, there are dozens of other examples of Pashtunization have taken place in the country of so-called Afghanistan. And so far it has continued.

Genocide and Slavery by Afghan/Pashtuns

Hawke's Bay Herald, Volume XXVIII, Issue 9508, 20 October 1893, Page 2

The only ethnic group that commits suicide attacks is the Pashtuns. The enslavement and sale of women among the Pashtun people are still common. Poppy cultivation and all kinds of drugs are promoted and produced among Pashtun farmers. The production of opium and trafficking of various hashish among Pashtuns is a common practice. Weapons are bought and sold as market goods among Pashtuns. Terrorists such as Taliban, Al-Qaeda, ISIS and others are growing among Pashtuns. The beds for any kind of terrorist ideology are thoroughly available within Pashtuns in all courses of times.

Buddhas of Bamyan, Hazaristan

Ancient monuments, historical buildings are destroyed by the Pashtuns. Asphalt roads are being destroyed by Pashtuns. The bridges are blown up by Pashtun. Schools are burned and blown up by Pashtuns. Obviously, every day the Pashtun -Taliban blast infrastructures throughout the country. Doctors, engineers, nurses, teachers and other welfare service providers are being killed by Pashtuns. Farmlands and vineyards are set on fire and destroyed. Girls and women are barred from going to schools and universities. Women are barred from going to offices. More than half of the population of Afghanistan are women; pushed to be passive and become housewives by Pashtuns.

The most recent case of anti-human and inhuman crime carried out by Pashtun-Taliban in a maternity hospital at the West of Kabul, where the residents are all Hazara. Many lives lost, including 20 mothers and many new-born babies were killed or wounded in the attack after minutes or hours of born. Such a brutal action can be expected only from Pashtun- Taliban in the twenty-one century!

I remember The Taliban slogan of 1998, when they were ruling over more than 95 percent of the territory of the country, is still resonant in my ears that they told that Afghanistan belongs to Pashtuns and saying that; Tajiks should go to Tajikistan, Uzbeks to Uzbekistan and the Hazaras to the cemetery.

Unlike Pashtuns, other ethnic groups in Afghanistan, especially the Hazaras, they do not close their doors of schools. They allow their daughters and wives to study, teach and work in the offices. Hazaras do not cultivate poppies. They do not produce or smuggle drugs. Hazara has not yet committed any suicide attack. Although the way is not that much paved for Hazara people in all courses of history of a so-called country Afghanistan, still Hazaras has kept the doors of schools opened and allow their sons and daughters to study and have made a good contribution to the construction, welfare and prosperity of their country. If the Hazaras sometimes took up arms, it was only for self-defense. There was no any sort of aggression on others or any attack carried out by Hazaras.

In Bamiyan province, where the absolute majority is Hazara, there is no attacks, explosions or suicide bombing. All service centres are operating normally. The residents are living with harmony and peacefully with other minorities and the same thing happening in Panjshir province, where the majority of residents are Tajik!

Betrayal, lies, crime, murder, beheading, captivity, cultivation and trafficking of opium and all sort of hashish, extortion, robbery, explosions and suicides attacks, arms sales all belong to the Pashtuns.

What will be the impact of all these ugly Pashtun acts on Pashtun children? The result is clear, a so-called country Afghanistan will never be reached to prosperity with this analysis. The situation is getting worse and worse day by day.

So, eventually, what is the solution?

Firstly, as soon as possible, the United States to annul the peace deal with the Taliban. Ground and airstrikes to be commenced on Taliban terrorists throughout the country as of the only potential solution.

Secondly, the disintegration of Afghanistan into federalism can be the solution in the longer term. To survive the terrorists, this evil and this murderous ethnic group and the enemy of the welfare and prosperity of the people of Afghanistan and finally the enemy of world and humanity.

The way is always paved among Pashtuns for the nesting and growing of global terrorists such as al-Qaeda, ISIS, the Haqqani network and etc. This is the Pashtuns who providing shelters for terrorists. Cultivation of poppy, smuggling and drug production, which is endangering the world. Migration, genocide, child murder, infanticide, women murder, and other forms of crimes in order to have peaceful and stable Afghanistan and must be stopped within Pashtuns that are also for the benefit of the world community's security and safety.

The Hazaristan Concept, Why We Want Federalism in Afghanistan?

Mohammad Amin Wahidi — 2019-08-27T17:12:02Z

Afghanistan is a multiethnic country composed of at least 14 or more minor or major ethnic groups out of which 4 are more populated: Hazaras, Tajiks, Uzbeks and Pashtuns.

We do not see any representation of the different ethnic groups in division of power or national resources distribution in Afghanistan while everything is in the hands of the Pashtuns.

Hazaras make up to 22-35% of the population of Afghanistan but these people do not have any access to government representation, power sharing nor national resources distribution or reconstruction funds.

Here in current Afghanistan everything is in the hand of the Pashtuns which is not fair for the other ethnic groups:

In the current Ashraf Ghani Administration:

1. President - Pashtun

2. Consultant of National Security Council - Pashtun

3. Director General of National Security - Pashtun

4. Minister of defense - Pashtun

5. Minister of finance - Pashtun

6. Minister of communication - Pashtun

7. Minister of Rural Development -Pashtun

8. Minister of agriculture - Pashtun

9. Minister of Tribal Affairs - Pashtun

10. Minister of State in Parliament Affairs - Pashtun

11. Minister of Information and culture – Pashtun

12. President of Supreme Court - Pashtun

13. The Attorney General – Pashtun

14. President of the president of the National Logistics - Pashtun

15. Director of the commission on the monitoring of the constitution - Pashtun

16. Director of Supreme Medical Council - Pashtun

17. President of the senate - Pashtun

17. President of Afghanistan Science Academy - Pashtun

18. Director of National Television - Pashtun

19. President of Afghanistan National Bank - Pashtun

20. President Pashtun bank - Pashtun

21. Director General of Natural Gas Petroleum Materials - Pashtun

22. Director of Kabul Zone Development - Pashtun

23. Chairman of the board of law and justice - p. Pashtuns

24. Chairman of cricket board - Pashtun

25. President of Olympics, Sports and Physical Trainings - Pashtun

26. Director of Statistics and Census - Pashtun

27. Director of Ariana Afghan National Airlines - Pashtun

28. Deputy Director General of Costume Duties of Afghanistan- Pashtun

29. President of the Electoral Commission- Pashtun

30. President of Afghan National Bank – Pashtun

31. First Deputy Minister of Defence - Pashtun

32. Deputy of Logistics in Ministry of Defence - Pashtun

33. Commander of the Comando Corps of the Army - Pashtun

34. Commander of Shanin Corps of Army- Pashtun

35. Commander of Maiwand Corps of Army - Pashtun

36. Commander of Atal Corps of Army - Pashtun

37. Commander of Thunder Corps of Army - Pashtun

38. Commander of Seelab Corps of Army Pashtun

39. Commander of Borders Defence - Pashtun

40 Head of HR and Recruiting of Ministry of Defence - Pashtun

41. Head of Foreign Relations of the Ministry of Defence - Pashtun

42. Head of Public Relations and Spokesman of the ministry of defence - Pashtun

43. First Deputy Minister of Interior - Pashtun

44. Senior Deputy Minister of Interior on Security Affairs - Pashtun

45. Deputy of Senior Deputy Minister Interior - Pashtun

46. Deputy Minister of Interior for Logistics - Pashtun

47. Deputy Minister of Interior for Public Protection - Pashtun

48. Administrative Deputy Minister of Interior - Pashtun

49. Recruitment and HR of the Ministry of Interior - Pashtun

50. General Director of Intelligence in Ministry of Interior - Pashtun

51. General Commander of order and security of the ministry of interior - Pashtun

52. Director General of Logistics in Ministry of Interior - Pashtun

53. Director General of Establishments and Buildings Department of Interior Ministry -Pashtun

54. President of the Ministry of Interior - Pashtun

55. Director of Finance ministry of interior - Pashtun

56. Political Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs - Pashtun

57. Economic Deputy Minister Foreign Affairs - Pashtun

58. Head of Administration of Foreign Affairs Ministry - Pashtun

60. President of Protocols in Foreign Affairs Ministry – Pashtun

61. Director of Diplomacy Institute of Foreign Affairs Ministry - Pashtun

62. Director of Security Cooperation in Ministry of Foreign Affairs - Pashtun

63. President of the Parliament Affairs of Foreign Affairs Ministry - Pashtun

64. President of the 5th Political Department of Foreign Affairs Ministry - Pashtun

65. President of the 2nd Political Department of Foreign Affairs Ministry - Pashtun

66. Head of the 1st Political Department of Foreign Affairs Ministry - Pashtun

67. President of the United Nations Affairs in Ministry of Foreign Affairs - Pashtun

68. President of Regional Cooperation in MoFA- Pashtun

69. President of Provincial Representation in MoFA - Pashtun

70. Afghan Ambassador in the united states - Pashtun

71. Ambassador of Afghanistan in Canada - Pashtun

72. Afghan Ambassador in Germany - Pashtun

73. Afghan Ambassador in the Russian Federation - Pashtun

74. Ambassador of Afghanistan in Afghanistan - Pashtun

75. Ambassador of Afghanistan to Republic the people of China - Pashtun

76. Ambassador of Afghanistan in Pakistan - Pashtun

77. Afghan Ambassador in Japan - Pashtun

78. Afghan Ambassador in India - Pashtun

79. Ambassador of Afghanistan in Italy - Pashtun

80. Ambassador of Afghanistan Norway - Pashtun

81. Afghan Ambassador in Jordan - Pashtun

82. Afghan Ambassador in France - Pashtun

83. Afghan Ambassador in Doha Qatar - Pashtun

84. Afghan Ambassador in Saudi Arabia - Pashtun

85. Ambassador of Afghanistan in Belgium - Pashtun

86. Ambassador of Afghanistan in South Korea - Pashtun

87. General Consul of Afghanistan in Dubai - Pashtun

88. General Consul of Afghanistan in Peshawar - Pashtun

89. General Consul of Afghanistan in Karachi - Pashtun

90. General Consul in Quetta – Pakistan- Pashtun

91. General Consul of Afghanistan in Bonn Germany - Pashtun

92. General Consul of Afghanistan in the Marry of Turkmenistan - pashtun

93. General Consul of Afghanistan in Istanbul Turkey - Pashtun

94. General Consul of Afghanistan in New York - Pashtun

95. Head of Local Organizations Department in the Arg-Palace- Pashtun

96. Financial Deputy of the Local Organizations Department - Pashtun

97. Head of Anti Corruption Organization - Pashtun

98. Governor of Kandahar-Pashtun

99. Governor of Nangarhạr-Pashtun

100. Governor of Ghazni-Pashtun

101. Governor of Khost-Pashtun

102. Governor of Paktia-Pashtun

103. Governor of Paktika-Pashtun

104. Governor of Kunduz-Pashtun

105. Governor of Baghlan-Pashtun

106. Governor of Kunar-Pashtun

Ten facts about so-called country Afghanistan

2018-01-27T11:50:28Z

1. Taliban and other terrorist groups raised among Pashtun tribes act as military arm of Pashtunism, and their main policy is to invade non-Pashtuns' land. Their popular slogan is Tajiks to Tajikistan, Uzbek to Uzbekistan, Turkmen to Turkmenistan and Hazara to goristan/graveyard.

2. It is over a century of war in so-called country Afghanistan, but the western politicians and media like to say four decades, since the Soviet invasion.

3. Pashtun dictator Abdurrahman has signed the Durand line agreement to accepted this line as the official border of so-called country Afghanistan and British-India (Pakistan) in 1983. This happened after genocide of the Hazara and Nuristanis. Pashtun tribes do not recognize this border now, and at the same time they respect Abdurrahman as he could kill over 63% of the Hazara population and invade most parts of their land.

4. Selling and buying Pashtun suicide bombers is a big market in tribal areas of so-called country Afghanistan and Pakistan.

5. Pashtun tribes produce the biggest part of world's poppy, and a big part of this drug business goes to Taliban. There is no any intention by the Pashtunist government to stop this business.

6. The Pashtunist government of Afghanistan and officials such as Ashraf Ghani Ahmadzai, Hanif Atmar and Mohammed Masoom Stanekzai are Taliban's supporters based on their common ethnic affiliation.

7. The government of Afghanistan is illegal, and is the result of fraud and the US and UK interventions.

8. The story of majority and minority in Afghanistan is fake. There is no any reliable statistic nor national census.

10. Many people believe in Partition of so-called country Afghanistan or a federal system.

Federal Republic of Afghanistan, two suggested maps

2017-07-26T10:43:41Z

Kabul Press^?: It is several years that we have started a discussion on federalism in Afghanistan. We have also another discussion on Partition. There are many writers and activists from different ethnic groups including Uzbek, Hazara, Tajik and Pashtun have participated in our discussions by submitting opinion articles. Now, in social media, many people are engaged in federalism and partition discussions as two best alternatives for the central government of so-country Afghanistan led by Pashtuns. Over two centuries of war in Afghanistan is the result of the bloody borders, and invasion of non-Pashtuns lands by Pashtun tribes.
Recently, we have received two suggested maps of Federal Republic of Afghanistan. The first one is submitted by Tajik activist Dr. Abdul Khaliq Lalzad, and the other one by a group of Hazara, Uzbek, Tajik and Turkmen activists.
The map suggested by Lalzad, has divided the country into ten states as follow:
1: Kabul
2: Badakhshan, Takhar and Kunduz
3: Baghlan, Samangan and Balkh
4: Jawzjan, Sar-e Pol and Faryab
5: Badghis, Ghor, Herat and Farah
6: Bamyan, Daykundi and parts of Maidan wardak, Ghazni and Uruzgan
7: Nimrooz, Helmand, Kandahar, Zabul and a part of Uruzgan and Ghazni
8: Logar, Paktia, Khost, Paktika and a part of Ghazni and Maidan wardak
9: Nangarhar, Laghman, Konar and Nuristan
10: Parwan, Kapisa and Panjshir

The map suggested by a group of Hazara, Uzbek, Tajik and Turkmen activists has divided the country into seven states:
1: Turkistan
2: South Tajikistan/ Pamir
3: Hazaristan
4: Nuristan
5: Herat
6: Sistan
7: North Pashtunistan

کابل پرس

Hazara Genocide Denial: Exposing the Pro-Taliban Submission to Australia

Table of contents

Introduction: A Dangerous Distortion of Facts

The Hazara Genocide: A 140-Year Campaign of Extermination

The Submission's Dangerous Omissions

The Submission's Pashtun Nationalist Agenda (Disguised as Anti-Taliban)

The Case for Hazara Justice

Global Voices for Justice

What Australia Must Do

Conclusion: Will Australia Stand With Genocide Victims—Or Their Killers?

Tags

The Hazara Genocide: How British Colonialism Shaped the Fate of Hazaristan

Table of contents

Introduction

The Hazara Genocide: Systematic Extermination and Cultural Erasure

Cultural Genocide: The Destruction of Identity

The Role of British Colonialism: Political, Financial, and Military Support

Intergenerational Trauma: The Psychological Consequences of Genocide

The Kochi Campaigns: State-Sanctioned Violence Against the Hazara

The Rise of Pashtun Nationalism and the Threat of Greater Pashtunistan

The Need for Recognition and Reparations

International Legal Framework: The Genocide Convention

Acknowledging the Hazara Narrative: Countering Misrepresentation

Conclusion

The Influence of Prominent Pashtuns in Shaping Perceptions and Misrepresentations in So-Called Afghanistan

Table of contents

Introduction

Ethnic Disparities and Erasure in the So-Called Afghanistan

Taliban's Assault on Fundamental Rights and the Genocide of the Hazara in So-Called Afghanistan

The Role of Pashtun Women in Lobbying for the Taliban and Their Enjoyment of Ethnic Privilege

Questionable Recognition: PRIO and the Nobel Peace Prize's Contribution to Injustice and Human Rights Abuses

The Role of Influential Pashtuns and the Circulation of False Information about So-Called Afghanistan

Conclusion

Ten Facts That Biden, Harris, Blinken and Austin Should Know About So-Called Afghanistan

The Political Aspects of APTTA

Table of contents

Abstract

Introduction

From “ATTA” to “APTTA”

Informal Trade

APTTA and India

Another angle

Concluding Remarks

Will the So-Called Country Afghanistan Reach to Prosperity With the Pashtuns?

Table of contents

So, eventually, what is the solution?

The Hazaristan Concept, Why We Want Federalism in Afghanistan?

Ten facts about so-called country Afghanistan

Federal Republic of Afghanistan, two suggested maps