کابل پرس

Massoud Quiam on Obama's new policy for Afghanistan

Marc Seltzer — 2009-03-22T11:01:13Z

Senior reporter Massoud Quiam has been covering events in Afghanistan for many years. As the new United States President, Barack Obama, is reviewing American policy towards Afghanistan and seeking to develop an effective strategy for Afghanistan and Pakistan, Kabul Press^? asked Massoud for his comments on the needs of the Afghan people and the crucial issues that the U.S. President must focus on in order to aid Afghanistan.

Quiam was the popular news director, program host, and reporter for Afghanistan's #1 television network, TOLO-TV. He was recently forced from that position by government pressure on the network, and subsequently fled Afghanistan after numerous physical threats. This interview was conducted from his place in exile.

Kabulpress: Is a change in American policy towards Afghanistan necessary and what is the biggest failing of current policies?

Massoud Quiam: The current strategy is focused too much on war against the Taliban. I think that Afghanistan needs a strategy that covers issues like opium cultivation, poverty, justice and governance, which are as important as the war against insurgents. These issues are fueling the current Afghan conflict.

Despite eight years of U.S. and coalition operations, I can't see a decrease in opium products. Nine million Afghans need immediate food assistance; about 70% of Afghans are under the poverty line. Bad governance, corruption, and lack of capacity still exist or have even increased in the country in the past 8 years.

Discussions of whether or not the government should engage the Taliban in negotiations are not as important as discussions of reform of the Afghan government. Hamid Karzai's administration has now led for nearly eight years. It is time for a new effort.

There is no effective difference between Taliban and Al Qaeda in Afghanistan. In order to achieve victory and a stable peace in Afghanistan all insurgents need to be defeated. This includes those operating out of the tribal areas inside the Pakistan border. They are supplying insurgents in Afghanistan and crossing the border as well. The situation in Pakistan is important to Afghanistan's future. India has been investing in Afghanistan, but has also been subject to attack there such as the bombing of the Indian embassy in Kabul. Pakistan's conflict with India is not related to Taliban and Al Qaeda, but shows that insurgents in Pakistan will cross borders to inflict violence on their rivals.

Kabulpress: What do you believe should be the most important priority of the Obama administration with regards to Afghanistan?

Massoud Quiam: I think the most important thing should be bringing a new team to set up a new administration. The current administration lost the authority by being so corrupt and ethnically divisive. The quality of the current administration also suffered because international support was not well coordinated and followed the wrong strategy. The international community has offered support, but it has not been effective.

I believe the Obama administration doesn't need to be agreeing to talk to Taliban. Instead, it needs to talk to the Afghan government and tell it how to improve peace by good governance.

Kabulpress: What is the status and condition of the institutions or forces in Afghanistan?

• Government/democracy
Massoud Quiam: The Bush administration brought an artificial democracy to the country featuring a constitution and election for president and parliament members. Now, none of them are working. It is like China's products — good shape but less quality.

• Army and police forces
Massoud Quiam: There are some good improvements in training of the national army.

Unfortunately, the Afghan police are too weak and corrupt. The reason
rule of law doesn't exist in the country is because of failings of the police force. The force should not be used to fight the Taliban.

• Al Qaeda and Taliban
Massoud Quiam: First of all, al Qaeda=Taliban; the Taliban take responsibility for all terrorist attacks happening in the country so Taliban are a terrorist group.

There are two reasons to fight someone: You want to defeat completely the enemy, or you want to weaken the enemy to bring him to your own terms. Now, in Afghanistan, the Taliban are not ready to talk; they want to defeat the Afghan government and international forces. But it is the Afghan government with the agreement of the international community calling for negotiations, so who do you think is the winner of the war in Afghanistan?

In many interviews, I asked American, British, and German officials, do
you recognize Taliban as a terrorist group? They answered, no we don't
recognize Taliban as a terrorist group — there are two types of Taliban.
I think this is the wrong strategy to divide them into two different groups and talk to the Taliban.

I think that the part of the Taliban, who are not terrorists are not a danger, so we don't need to talk with them; even if we talk with them, I am sure there will be no change, which secures the situation because still the terrorist part is existing and is the main threat.

I think we all need to agree to defeat Taliban and terrorists in Afghanistan and Pakistan until they are finished, and this is possible by conducting military operations in tribal areas on the other side of the Afghan border inside Pakistan.

KabulPress: What is the Afghan government focusing on at this time?

Massoud Quiam: Afghan government is too focused on the next election, and I think most government projects are related to the campaign. It is not good for a country like Afghanistan to keep the administration busy running for election. There are lots of things to do.

Kabulpress: How would you describe the political opposition to the Karzai government?

Massoud Quiam: I don't think Karzai has an opposition. There is a party by the name of Jabha Mili but it is a bunch of former jihadis, communists, Taliban and even a former king, appearing some times as an opposition. I believe this is a colony of political figures seeking to achieve their own personal goals. I believe soon Jabha Mili will not exist as an opposition party.

KabulPress: Recent events in India and Pakistan have raised the level of concern in the United States for Al Qaeda and insurgent activity in Pakistan. To what extent are problems in Pakistan creating problems in Afghanistan?

Massoud Quiam: Attacks on Mumbai were not part of al-Qaida operations. This is Pakistani—Indian problems using terrorist capacities in the region against each other. Pakistan has deep concerns regarding ties between India and Afghanistan, however. India is investing in Afghanistan consistent with an anti-Pakistan policy. India was under attack in Afghanistan as the Indian embassy in Kabul was attacked by Pakistani ISI.

Kabulpress: What other international concerns does Afghanistan face?

Massoud Quiam: Civilian causalities; waist of donated money — from 15 billion donated money, 75% has been returned back to donors in past 8 years; interference of Pakistan and Britain.

Kabulpress: What are the views of the Afghan people related to the Karzai government?

Massoud Quiam: Most Afghans need food and security — just food and security, nothing more. It is not too much a nation needs from their government, but the government can't even provide this to them.

Kabulpress: What are the views of the Afghan people related to Barack Obama?

Massoud Quiam: Full of hopes and awaiting what change Obama will bring to their lives by setting a new strategy.

One Year After the Death of Sayed Mustafa Kazimi Unanswered Questions

Marc Seltzer, Mohammad Amin Wahidi — 2009-01-04T10:39:48Z

with contributions from Dawood Naaji BBC Persian Correspondent in Kabul

translation by Amin Wahidi

edited by Marc Seltzer

More than a year has passed since the November 6, 2007, slaying of Afghan opposition parliament leader Sayed Mustafa Kazimi and five fellow parliament members in Northern Afghanistan. Mr. Kazimi was part of an official delegation attending the reopening of a sugar factory in the province of Beghlan, when the attack occurred. A large explosion killed members of the official delegation and more than 75 civilians, including tens of school children.

There was extensive media coverage at the time of the terrible attack and strong reactions from the government. President Hamid Karzai condemned the attack immediately. “This heinous act of terrorism is against Islam and humanity and . . . It is the work of the enemies of peace and security in Afghanistan.” The Taliban also condemned the attack and disavowed responsibility. Despite the enormity of the loss and political significance, the subsequent investigation has not resulted in establishment of who was responsible.

The National Front, the political party of which Kazimi was Speaker and Chairman, has claimed that Kazimi was assassinated after having survived the bombing. This claim is based on the observation that Mr. Kazimi's wounds were believed to be bullet holes. Initial accounts called the attack a suicide bombing, but independent investigations have suggested that the massive carnage from the attack may have resulted from an explosive devise loaded with ball bearings, based on the injuries sustained by its victims. It was also reported that in the confusion after the explosion, bodyguards for the parliamentary delegation fired their weapons.

Mustafa Kazimi was a unique figure with strong ties to many parties in the regional political landscape. Born in 1959 in Lolinge, a village in Parwan province, Afghanistan, Kazimi joined the fight against the communist government of the 1970s and 80s. He spent significant periods of time in Iran, where he attended university, formed political associations to affect change in Afghanistan, and established contacts with political and religious leaders who are now senior members of the Islamic Republic of Iran.

In 1989, when Afghan organizations in Iran united to form the United Islamic Party of Afghanistan, Kazimi was part of the group's central council. However, during the 1990s, Kazimi split from the unified Islamic Party and joined a coalition government in Afghanistan with Burhanuddin Rabbani and Northern Front (Northern Alliance) leader Ahmed Massoud. Kazimi's allegiance to the Northern Alliance and its partners at one point resulted in his coordination of an attack on his former group, the United Islamic Party of Afghanistan. Kazimi's relationship with the Northern Alliance continued after the fall of the communist government and takeover of power by the Taliban.

Kazimi maintained support from Iran as did the Northern Alliance, until the collapse of Taliban authority at the hands of U.S. forces in 2001. Thereafter, Kazimi was a representative of the Northern Alliance at the Bonn Agreement on Afghan issues, which laid the groundwork for transitional government in Afghanistan under the protection of Western coalition forces. He became Minister of Commerce in both the transitional and Karzai governments.

From 2002 up to 2005 Kazimi made a step-by-step progression towards political power within Afghanistan, developing relationships with decision-makers on economic issues such as members of the Chamber of Commerce, the Afghanistan Investment Support Agency (AISA), and investors. He expanded relationships with leaders he met at the Ministry of Commerce and used support from Iran to finance his National Front opposition party and its publications. Kazimi ran for election to the first Afghan parliament in 2005 using educational centers
as campaign hubs for himself and his interests.

Elected as the parliamentary representative from Kabul, Mustafa Kazimi rose to become the President of the Economy Committee in Parliament and head of the Isteqlal (Independence) parliamentary group. He was one of the brightest leaders of the National Front, the largest opposition group in Afghanistan. The party contained a wide array of Afghan leaders including former communist leaders and members of various past governments and Northern Alliance members.

Kazimi was also a very valuable political figure for the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI) regime's interests in Afghanistan. He was uniquely able to operate in the Afghan Parliament and maintain his relationship with senior IRI officials. Since his death, the IRI has continued to press for operating centers in Afghanistan under the name of religious and cultural activities. The 2008 Qods Day Celebration in Kabul and other activities such as the Khatamunabeein Islamic Center and Tamadon Television run by Ayatullah Sheikh Asef Mohseni Kandahari support this conclusion.

In his late speeches and press conferences representing the National Front, Kazimi was a sharp and frank critic of the Karzai Administration. At the time of his death, Kazimi was a powerful leader in Afghan government and a potential rival of Hamid Karzai for the Presidency in the 2009 federal elections. At the very least, his close contact with the Islamic Republic of Iran made him a thorn in President Karzai's side.

While Northern Afghanistan, where the killings occurred is far more stable than other areas of the country, there has been increasing violence there during the last year. A local warlord, Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, has claimed responsibility for an assassination attempts on President Karzai and the death of at least one member of parliament, in an unrelated incident. Hekmatyar has ties to Al Qaeda and is suspected of involvement in the resurgence of attacks on coalition forces with the avowed aim of removing all Western forces from Afghan soil. His organization Hekmatyar, Hezb-e Islami, has also denied responsibility according to published reports.

Kazimi was 49 years. He was reportedly working on a masters in a distance learning through a University in Iran. He left behind three sons and three daughters.

Responding to Human Rights Violations

Kamran Mir Hazar, Marc Seltzer — 2008-10-08T07:19:09Z

by: Kamran Mir Hazar

editorial assistance Marc Seltzer

Afghanistan became a participant in the International Criminal Court (ICC) in 2003. Based in The Hague, Netherlands, the ICC can investigate and prosecute human rights violations without regard to the rank or office of the perpetrators. The ICC is essential for the protection of human rights in Afghanistan because there is still no domestic Afghan judicial process to investigate and prosecute human rights abuses.

This article will primarily focus on alleged human rights violations prior to 2003, but it should be noted that civilians continue to be at risk as a consequence of war between Taliban and Coalition forces. By way of example, more than 1000 civilians have been killed between 2003 and 2007 in Kandahar, Uruzgaan and Helmand Provinces. In addition, Mullah Omar allegedly decreed in 2006 that Kochis (nomads) should forcibly occupy Hazarajat and expel the local Hazaras population. (Kabul Press^? Website, January 21, 2006). Additional research and investigation is necessary to determine the circumstances of civilian casualties and potential human rights violations.

However, the ICC can only prosecute cases that occurred after May 1, 2003. Thus, the many alleged human rights violations prior to 2003 will only be prosecuted if and when a judicial authority with human rights jurisdiction is established by the Afghan government. The following brief list contains a substantial record of pre-ICC authority, alleged human rights abuses in need of investigation.

• November/December 2002 — Hundreds of civilian men and women allegedly killed in the Afshar district of Kabul. Some survivors shared their experiences with journalists, and the international media has reported on discrimination and violence against women in all aspects of society.

• 2001 — 1,500 people allegedly killed and 2000 families allegedly displaced in Bamyan in February, the area containing the massive ancient Buddha statues destroyed by Taliban in 2001. The same year it was reported that between 34 and 50 people were allegedly killed in Khaja Ghar district, Takhar province in January. (Roy Gutman. Human Rights during Masoud and Taliban, Chapter 6, 2006).

• January 2000 — Report of 50 people allegedly killed in a mosque in Gosfandi and allegedly 176 killed and 30,000 displaced from homes in Yakawland. 31 were allegedly executed in May, and 300 were allegedly displaced from homes in Taliqan in September. (Gutman, Chapter 6).

• May 1999 – In Bamyan, 120 were allegedly killed and 20,000 allegedly displaced and in Shamaali 140,000 were allegedly displaced in August. (Gutman, Chapter 6).

• September 1998 — 70 people were allegedly killed and 23,000 houses were allegedly destroyed in Khaja Ghar. (Gutman, Chapter 6).

• August 1998 — Bloodshed in Mazar e Sharif allegedly including the killing of 2000 and displacement of 40,000 in Daraye Kayan. (Gutman, Chapter 6).

• May 1997 — An estimated 2000 Talibs were allegedly killed in Mazar e Sharif and Dasht e Laili. In September of that year it was reported that 53 Hazaras were allegedly killed at Mazar e Sharif Airport. In December it was reported that 600 civilians were allegedly killed in Qaisar. (Gutman, Chapter 6).

• 1978 — Reported that 12,000 people were allegedly killed by the ministries of the interior during the governments of Hafizullah Amin and Noor Mohammad Taraki.

• 1978-1992 — Purge of writers and intellectuals in Afghan society allegedly led to imprisonment of many. During the presidencies of Taraki, Amin, Karmal and Najeebulla, UNHCR has estimated that 5,000,000 left Afghanistan. (Meer Ghulam Mohammad Ghobar. Afghanistan in the Course of History, v. 2, page 235).

• In 1961 discrimination against ethnic minorities continued in the form of prohibitions in higher education, military and government security sector employment.

• 1950 to 1960 – Alleged continuation of forced relocation of Afghans and placement of Kochis (nomads) on Hazars' land in Hazarajaat. (Ghobar, 235).

• 1948-1949 — Hundreds of people were allegedly killed in an attack on a Jirga in Paktia. (Ghobar, 235).

• 1933 and 1934 — The inhabitants of Nangarhar, Uruzgaan and Midan provinces were allegedly forced to relocate. Two hundred eighty families forced to leave Uruzgaan province and 400-500 individuals reportedly emigrated to Pakistan and Iran. On September 16, 1933, a critic of the government was allegedly executed without a fair trial. (Ghobar, 61). Also in 1933 the alleged killing of 500 prisoners was reported. (Ghobar, 137-8). On December 18, 1933, an alleged massacre of sixteen men was reported to have taken place in the Dehmazang Maslakh (slaughterhouse) of Kabul. Family members were also allegedly punished. (Ghobar, 171).

• 1930-1931 — Ten people from Shamaail were allegedly killed during July/August of 1930 (Ghobar, pp. 77, 78, citing “Eslah” July 25, 1930). Alleged use of artillery on civilians was reported. (Ghobar, p. 40). Between December 1930 and July 1931 hundreds of men from Jaji wa Mangal and Paktia ethnic groups were allegedly killed over land ownership. (Ghobar 77, 79).

• The January/February 1930 publication “Eslah” reported that Governor Mohammad Gul Khan allegedly ordered the execution of fifteen persons, punishment in chains of 617, and sentencing of 3,600 to hard labor. (Governmental Gazzette “Eslah,” v. 57, January-February, 1930). Reports also cite thorough and systematic violence against women and prohibition against the education under Khan's rule including the recall and arrest of girls attending university abroad, prohibition of more than 78,000 boys and girls from attending school (only 4,591 remaining enrolled) (“Eslah,” v. 57, February/March 1930), and theft of property (gold and silver coins and weapons) from people of the Parwan and Kapisa areas was also reportedly significant at the hands of the soldiers under command of Governor Mohammad Gul Khan. (Governmental Gazzette “Eslah,” v. 57, January-February, 1930).

• 1929 — Execution of 51 people from Shamaali (Northern districts of Kabul and parts of Parwan) in Kabul. February March. (Ghobar, Afghanistan in the Course of History, pp. 77-8, citing “Eslah” February/March 1929). Twelve people allegedly executed without trial. Autumn. (Ghobar, p. 61).

Victims, or those with complaints or evidence regarding human rights violations in Afghanistan, are encouraged to provide materials to Kabul Press, which will maintain confidentiality in accordance with current law. Evidence can also be sent to the ICC.